Antalya, 10 March 2000

"NATO in the 21st Century: Challenges and Opportunities" Speech by the Secretary General at the 10th International Antalya Conference on Security and Cooperation Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am delighted to have been invited to speak to you today -- not least because this city, and this region, are among the most beautiful in the world. In fact, I was delighted to learn that Antalya gets warm, sunny weather 300 days per year. As a Scotsman, I am not used to permanent blue skies, and my past two jobs have been in London and Brussels, neither of which lacks for rain. It is therefore a rare pleasure to be nearly assured of sunshine! Let me begin by thanking the organisers of this conference for their flexibility. The conference was supposed to have taken place last October - but because of the Kosovo crisis, it had to be delayed. I am very grateful that it has been possible to reschedule the conference to a more appropriate moment. But now, happily, we are here, and I would like to congratulate the Antalya Conference on its tenth anniversary. The International Antalya conference has become one of the foremost annual gatherings of security experts in NATO. One look at the list of participants here today makes it clear that this gathering can only enhance that fine reputation. NATO enters the 21st Century in very good shape. The Alliance took in three new members who are now well established as Allies, and the door is open for further invitations. We have built solid institutions for co-operation with Russia and Ukraine. The Partnership for Peace and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council have provided a framework within which every country in Europe can work together to solve security challenges. We have taken on two major missions in the Balkans, to help bring peace and lasting stability to an area that has, for too long, enjoyed neither. We are addressing the increasing challenges of proliferation. We are improving our military capabilities, to be better able to handle the range of possible operations in the future. And the Alliance remains the principal forum through which Europe and North America demonstrate their common security interests, and uphold their common values. Altogether, a broad record of achievement in building peace and security. Today, NATO is as strong and as vibrant as it has ever been. But suddenly, some analysts are suggesting NATO is in trouble. They are suggesting that NATO has taken on three challenges, in particular, that it cannot manage. Some forecast that the Alliance will never be able to bring lasting peace and stability to the Balkans. Others suggest that NATO cannot build a relationship with Russia that is based on real trust and co-operation, rather than mutual suspicion. And more than a few people have raised concerns that NATO cannot support the development of the European Security and Defence Identity without undermining the Alliance itself. Of course, these are real challenges. Nobody would deny that - certainly not me! But let me take me a moment to discuss these challenges and explain why, in each case, the opportunity outweighs the challenge -- and why, in all three cases, we will succeed. The first challenge we face is to manage our military engagements in the Balkans. This obviously doesn't come as a surprise to anyone here. After more than four years in Bosnia, and with the very demanding situation we face in Kosovo, I'm sure everyone in this room understands that this will be a long term engagement. I believe, however, that the efforts of the international community in the Balkans are already showing very clear results, and are demonstrating that patient engagement can work. The NATO-led peacekeeping force in Bosnia-Herzegovina -- including, of course, Turkey's mechanised brigade - is central to that progress. The security environment has improved dramatically. Refugees continue to return. War criminals are being caught, and turned over to The Hague. And the international community is slowly but surely continuing the process of giving "ownership" of that country back to the Bosnians. This progress in Bosnia-Herzegovina stands as testament to the potential of the international efforts to help Kosovo rebuild. We are under no illusions about the time and the effort this process will require. As Bernard Kouchner has aptly said, Kosovo suffered "forty years of communism, ten years of apartheid, and a year of ethnic cleansing". We should not expect to create a Switzerland there in just a few months. Despite Kosovo's difficult history, however, there are already signs of hope. It has been well over a year since the Kosovo crisis began in earnest, and almost a year since the entire Albanian population of Kosovo became the subject of a massive, state-organised project of terror, murder and expulsion. Today, 12 months later, things have changed dramatically for the better in Kosovo. KFOR has deployed into the province. The violence which affected the entire population has ended. Serb forces have withdrawn. The Kosovo Liberation Army has been disbanded and demilitarised by KFOR. And major crimes have declined dramatically in number. Yes, there is still too much hatred, too much violence. Yes, we need more police, and more funding to rebuild this society. But in general, today's situation is a far cry from the anarchy and lawlessness that many critics predicted when KFOR deployed. This overall progress in the security situation is due largely to NATO's efforts -- including those of Turkey, which contributes a mechanised battalion task force to KFOR. And despite the challenges we face in the short term, we will be patient. That is why those who regard incidents such as the flare-up in Mitrovica as a sign of a failure of our mission miss the point entirely. We're in it for the long haul. As with SFOR in Bosnia, KFOR will stay in Kosovo for as long as it takes to get the job done, and bring lasting peace and security to people who have suffered too much over so many years. This is an opportunity we will not miss. Ultimately, of course, we need to look beyond Bosnia and Kosovo. We need to look at South-Eastern Europe in its entirety. We have to look beyond military issues alone, and focus on a comprehensive political and economic approach. I believe Kemal Ataturk, the father of modern Turkey, put it well when he stated, right after the Turkish War of independence, that "peace is the most effective way for nations to attain prosperity and happiness." Now that we have brought peace to Bosnia and Kosovo, we have the opportunity to create prosperity for all of South Eastern Europe. We have the opportunity to bring all nations of this region back into the European mainstream -- where they all belong. We have made a promising start. The EU's idea to create a Stability Pact and NATO's Southeast European Initiative, which was launched at the Washington Summit, will work in tandem to create the basis for economic progress and security. Economics and security go together. That was the logic that underpinned the Marshall Plan and NATO back in the late 1940s. The same logic should -- and will -- now be applied to South-Eastern Europe. NATO is ready to lend its full support to these efforts. One example is our new Consultative Forum on Security Issues on Southeast Europe, which brings together Allies and seven countries of the region. We are also working closely with our Partners in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council to develop practical ideas for regional co-operation in Southeast Europe. Turkey is playing a lead role in promoting this kind of regional co-operation. Indeed, because of this country's strategic position, that leadership is only natural. Turkey's plan to contribute a brigade headquarters and an infantry battalion to the Multinational Peace Force South East Europe is just one example. Another is Turkey's leadership in creating the Black Sea Naval Co-operation Task Group, to enhance co-operation and interoperability among the Black Sea countries. These measures will help us take advantage of this historic opportunity to bring South East Europe to its rightful place within the Euro-Atlantic Community of the 21st century. But we cannot stop there. For there to be a true Euro-Atlantic Community, we simply must build a solid relationship between NATO and Russia. This is our second major challenge. And here too, the critics say it is impossible. According to them, Russia's suspension of contact with NATO during the Kosovo crisis, and her actions in Chechnya, demonstrate that Russia and the West simply cannot work together. From their perspective, Russia and NATO are doomed to mutual suspicion and mistrust. I disagree. Of course, I was disappointed when Russia suspended contact with NATO during the air campaign. From our perspective, it is precisely when we disagree that dialogue becomes most important! And I have conveyed to Russia very clearly my deep concern and criticism of the tactics they are using in Chechnya. But we must not forget our long-term strategic objectives. If there is to be true and lasting security in Europe, Russia and NATO simply must work together, and build a solid relationship. Kosovo shows how true this is. True, we had major disagreements, up to the point of Russia suspending her formal cooperation with us. But Russia was never out of the loop entirely. As one observer put it, Russia has been in during the negotiations on Kosovo, out during the bombing, and in again for the settlement. Kosovo proves that NATO and Russia simply must cooperate, even in the most difficult situations. Kosovo also demonstrates that Russia can indeed be an important part of the solution. My recent trip to Moscow gives me confidence that we can get this vital strategic partnership back on the right track. There was a clear understanding that NATO and Russia must broaden their cooperative agenda, and build a relationship that can withstand occasional disagreements. It is my impression from my Moscow visit that such a relationship is now within reach -- and I am determined to make it work. This is an opportunity of which we simply must take advantage, no matter how much patience and determination it takes. In that regard, I warmly welcome the positive spirit shown by Acting President Putin during his recent statements on a possible membership of NATO for Russia. Of course, at present Russian membership of NATO is not on the agenda right now. But Mr Putin's views reflect Russia's interest in engaging in a strong relationship with NATO, and are very promising for the future. This same principle -- that the opportunity outweighs the challenges -- also applies to the third major challenge NATO faces, one which is clearly of strong interest here in Turkey. The opportunity is to build a stronger European Security and Defence Identity. The challenge is to manage and support the evolution of ESDI so that it enhances NATO and the security of all its members. This can be achieved. ESDI can serve the interests of all the Allies. A stronger Europe can make a more effective contribution within NATO, and thereby assume a fairer share of the burden. And a stronger Europe can handle crises more effectively in situations when the North Americans simply do not want to take a lead role. For these very good reasons, ESDI clearly makes sense -- as much for NATO as for Europe. NATO understood this long ago. In Brussels in 1994, then in Berlin in 1996, all of NATO's members agreed that they would create an ESDI within NATO. Since then, NATO has made very quick progress in making ESDI happen. The Alliance has taken practical steps to be able to provide material support to European-led operations. Our new command structure allows for European-led operations using NATO capabilities and assets. The NATO force planning process takes European requirements into account. And our Defence Capabilities Initiative is improving military capabilities overall. At the same time, Europe is improving its own capacities as a security actor. By establishing decision-making structures, and by setting ambitious targets for military capability, Europe is taking major steps forward. I intend to hold Europe to its commitments for improved capability, because a stronger Europe enhances our common security. Of course, all of this progress doesn't necessarily mean everything will be perfect. Like many people here today, I also have concerns about ESDI. My job, as Secretary General of NATO, is to ensure that the security interests of all of NATO's members are met. I intend to fulfil that responsibility, and ensure that, as it develops, ESDI is managed carefully. We must, for instance, ensure that ESDI is inclusive. The question of participation of non-EU European members of NATO in EU-led operations must be resolved in ways that are satisfactory to all. EU planning, decision-making and operations must be as inclusive as possible, in particular towards non-EU European members of NATO -- including, of course, Turkey. This is not just a cosmetic matter. As the EU plans for operations, it must be as open and transparent to NATO as possible. The reason is simple: the non-EU Allies must be appropriately involved in the planning and conduct of EU-led operations if the EU wants their political or military support -- or, indeed, if the EU wants to use NATO assets, for which each of these countries must grant approval. It is simply in the best interests of both NATO and the EU to ensure we have the necessary inclusiveness, as ESDI goes forward. This has worked very well in the WEU - I am optimistic that we can have similar success with the EU. We must also ensure that satisfactory institutional links between NATO and the EU are developed, for example in defence planning. Each country in NATO and the EU has only one set of forces, and one defence budget. It only makes sense that NATO and EU defence planning must be coordinated, to ensure that our forces are structured and equipped to conduct the full range of missions they might be assigned: NATO and EU missions, not "either-or". Our security must remain indivisible. These are real challenges, but I have every reason to believe that they will be managed successfully. Why? Because, unlike in the past, we have injected a healthy dose of realism and good will into this debate. This realism tells us that, first, European strategic independence is simply not feasible. NATO retains key strategic capabilities which are indispensable for all but the smallest contingencies: logistics, strategic lift, satellite reconnaissance etc. ESDI is thus not about Europe "going it alone", but about Europe doing more. There is no reason to fear "decoupling", because for the foreseeable future, a decoupled Europe simply can't work. Second: nobody wants a decoupled Europe. Even the most ardent Europhile understands that an ESDI that undermines NATO is a losing proposition. Bosnia and Kosovo have made it crystal clear that the Alliance remains Europe's dominant security institution. For Europe to undermine this institution - either deliberately or by accident -- would be self-defeating. ESDI is about adding more military options to our menu when responding to crises, not reducing them. And we have more than realism, or hard facts, to ensure that the ESDI discussion is constructive -- we have what I believe is a growing spirit of good will. The steadily improving relations between Greece and Turkey are perhaps the clearest illustration of this, and as Secretary General, I applaud the wisdom and courage of those leading this rapprochement. I am similarly pleased at the EU's decision at the Helsinki Summit to make Turkey an official candidate for membership in the EU, and at Turkey's determination to become a full member. These are all major steps forward, and they demonstrate that what seems like an insurmountable challenge can be overcome, with imagination, determination and goodwill. Ladies and Gentlemen, Imagination, determination and good will -- these are the qualities that have made the Alliance so successful in ensuring our common security. That is why I am so confident, as we enter the 21st Century, that we will meet the challenges we face today, and take advantage of the opportunity we have before us -- to continue to build a truly peaceful Euro-Atlantic area, and ensure the safety of future generations. Thank you.