At the Military Academy of Serbia and Montenegro, Belgrade 27 Nov. 2003

Embracing the Future Speech by NATO Secretary General, Lord Robertson Ladies and Gentlemen, This is an important moment for me. In just a few week's time my tenure as Secretary General of NATO will come to an end. Over the last few weeks I have visited over 30 countries, from the United States of America to Afghanistan, to bid farewell. But all along, this visit here today was at the top of my list. I wanted to come to Serbia and Montenegro to deliver a message of which I felt that I had to convey it to you personally. That message is that NATO and Serbia must make a fresh start. Despite our turbulent past, we have a common future. I am sure you all here in this room will understand why this message is so important to me. After all, I became Secretary General of NATO only a few months after the NATO's air campaign. Before that, I had supported NATO's air campaign because I knew that NATO was not at any time war with the people of Yugoslavia. The NATO air campaign aimed to stop Milosevic's policy of ethnic cleansing, a policy that was causing major human suffering and regional instability; and threatened to set Europe back to a darker era, an era to which our continent must never ever return. It was our last resort to stop the policy of a man who time and again had deceived the international community -- and in doing so, had betrayed his own people. After all diplomatic means to resolve the crisis had failed, we believed that we had no choice but to resort to force. Milosevic betrayed his own people because the outrageous crimes he committed were never the policies of the people he claimed to represent. In taking a stand against Milosevic, we were fully aware of the likely consequences. We would breed resentment on the part of those who felt victimised. Some would fail to understand that NATO was not taking sides over an independent Kosovo, but simply acting to stop ethnic cleansing. We firmly believed that we would eventually demonstrate that we were committed, from the beginning, to help bring peace and justice to all of the Balkans -- including the people of this country. There was no hidden agenda, no severe plan to destroy Yugoslavia or redraw national boundaries. I believe that by now, NATO's commitment to the Balkans has become irrefutable. In Bosnia, NATO enforced a peace settlement which ended a bloody civil war. Now, barely eight years after atrocities committed by all sides, Bosnia works as a multi-ethnic state. Not perfectly, I am ready to admit, but well enough for NATO to consider major reductions in our SFOR troop levels. In Kosovo, daunting challenges remain. But the differences between the various groups are now more and more a matter of normal public debate, not of hate and violence. I visited Kosovo two weeks ago. I talked to many high-level officials. But I also went to the village of Novo Selo, north of Pristina. There, I met with former Serb refugees who have been able to return to their homes. My message to all was clear: a truly multi-ethnic Kosovo is a precondition for any discussion on the final status. After all, NATO intervened in Kosovo not only to defend an oppressed minority, but also to defend the principle that all minorities must be able to live in peace. In the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia(1) we learned the lessons of previous crises and intervened before civil war could take hold. I am especially proud of my part in that operation, working with the European Union’s Javier Solana to stop the bloodshed starting rather than bringing it to an end after the fact. But NATO has done more than keep the peace through its military presence. We also developed specific programmes of cooperation, through which we engaged several countries in Southeast Europe in combating transborder crime, tightening border security, and promoting civil-military relations. All these steps were ample evidence of our commitment to bring the Balkans back to Europe -- all of the Balkans, including Serbia and Montenegro. That is why, to me, the ultimate litmus test of our policy was right here, in Belgrade: Whether it was possible to forge a new beginning in the relations between Serbia and Montenegro and NATO. Today, we can answer this question with a confident "yes". In Southern Serbia, two years ago, we made a good start. When we were faced with an upsurge in ethnic Albanian extremism, we engaged the Belgrade Government in a longer-term solution, with appropriate confidence- and security-building provisions. And we worked hard to facilitate discussion between Belgrade and the ethnic Albanian armed groups in the area. As a result of our common efforts, the crisis was defused. Since then, more progress has been achieved. Serbia and Montenegro has signed trade agreements with all former Yugoslav neighbours. And the apologies for past crimes which President Marovic delivered in recent weeks to Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia will certainly help to set your relationship with these countries on a new footing. Another step in leaving behind the past to move towards the future. The start of direct talks between Belgrade and Pristina last month are another -- and very welcome -- sign of a new determination to make progress over Kosovo. Clearly, these talks are only the beginning of what will be a long and difficult process. To move forward, both sides must refrain from provocative statements and inflammatory language regarding the future status of the province. And Belgrade must resist the temptation of maintaining parallel institutions and structures in Kosovo. But a start has been made. Given where we were only a short while ago, this, in itself, is a sign of hope. We have also been very much impressed with the pace of your domestic reform, in particular with your determination to crack down on organised crime. Your defence reforms, too, have been impressive. All this progress is paving the way for a closer relationship between NATO and Serbia and Montenegro. In particular, it has opened the opportunity for Serbia and Montenegro to join NATO's Partnership for Peace programme. Partnership for Peace has expanded into the world's largest permanent coalition. It now comprises 46 countries, from the United States to Russia, from Ireland to Sweden and Uzbekistan, who work politically and on the ground to deal with today's problems, together. There is no doubt that Serbia and Montenegro, along with Bosnia and Herzegovina, will have to be part of this unique coalition. So the question of Serbia and Montenegro joining this cooperative framework is no longer "if", but "when". You are all aware of the issues that still need to be resolved before membership if PfP can become a reality. In particular, all of the international community expect Karadzic and Mladic to be brought to The Hague. I am confident that Serbia and Montenegro will make the right choice and will overcome these remaining problems. Your membership of Partnership for Peace will be a major step forward not only for the security and stability in the region; it will also be another confirmation that your country is on an irreversible path towards a better future. Ladies and Gentlemen, Yesterday, with Defence Minister Tadic, I discussed Serbia and Montenegro’s offer to send troops to Afghanistan, as part of a NATO peace keeping operation. The very fact that this was discussed demonstrates how much has changed in our relationship. It illustrates that Serbia and Montenegro is ready to move from having been a security challenge to becoming a security contributor. And it illustrates that, in this new and dangerous 21st century security environment, all of Europe must unite to face the new challenges. Indeed, against the backdrop of terrorism, and with the spectre of weapons of mass destruction getting in the wrong hands, all of Europe must focus and stand together. In closing, let me say to you that I am fully aware that NATO's air campaign has caused real grievances that will not soon disappear. So I am not asking you here today to simply forget whatever grievances you might harbour. All I am asking you is to set them aside. To look ahead. For too long, the Balkans have been obsessed with grievances about the past at the expense of your future. Now is the time to look ahead and make full use of all the opportunities available. Now is the time to choose the future, not the past. To choose democracy, not the forces that murdered Zoran Djindjic and hoped to regain of control over this country. To choose NATO, Europe and the international community, not isolation and confrontation. Reform not stagnation. This was my message to you. I am glad that I had this opportunity before I leave office. Because seeing Serbia and Montenegro moving closer to Europe and to NATO fills me with pride and hope. 1.Turkey recognises the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.